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the problem were a Christian State in the sense that so
many countries were Christian throughout most of the
centuries of modern times. Even supposing Russia*
were liberal and democratic—supposing the great
Powers on either side were so situated that their popula-
tions could put pressure on the government in the very
matter of foreign policy—still the populations would be
just as fearful or suspicious or exasperated or angry as
the foreign offices themselves. Indeed it seems to Ibe
generally the case that they are more so, unless the
knowledge of the predicament is withheld from th^tn.
In any case we did not have our 'present fears and
panics on the subject of Communism till Communism
had come to be identified with the formidable European
position of Russia as it has existed since 1945.

In so far as international conflicts are concerned,
therefore, I am suggesting that after many of the more
incidental features of the case have been peeled away,
we shall find at the heart of everything a kernel of
difficulty which is essentially a problem of diplomacy as
such. In fact I personally think that in the international
crises of our time, we are muddying the waters and
darkening our own minds and playing the very game
the Russians want us to play, when we mix our drinks
and indulge in a so-called " ideological " foreign policy,
forgetting that the fundamental problems exist, as I
have said, independent of the differences in ideology.
The truth is that we could very well say to the Russians :
" We would not have allowed you to steal this particular
march on us, or to encroach in this particular direction
or to dominate defeated Germany even if you had been